Cities Have a New Challenge Filling Job Vacancies: Demographics
Public agencies at all levels share a costly problem. Agencies are experiencing staffing problems that impede service delivery, while a retirement tsunami erodes the ranks of older, knowledgeable workers. One-in-four government employees are 55 or older. All of that talent could be gone in a few years. In the private sector, talent shortages are prompting companies to encourage older workers to defer their retirement — but there are no similar reports from public employers. There has been little, if any, attention to the cost of losing experienced workers.
Boomers started their careers at a time when “retirement” was seen as a reward for years of hard work. In government pension plans, the normal retirement age is typically lower than in the private sector. Many government plans encourage workers to retire early at age 50 or 55. The mandatory retirement age for federal Law Enforcement Officers (LEOs) is 57. That may have made sense a decade or two ago.
Realistically only the wealthy can afford to stop working in their 50s. Those who do “retire” early go on to start new full or part time jobs and continue working into their 60s and 70s. There are stories about people who started successful companies late in life. The movie, The Intern, starring Robert De Niro, focuses on deferred retirement. Prior to COVID, life expectancy at age 60 was almost 25 years. That’s a full career for many working in government.
The Core Problem
In 2018 the Harvard Business Review published a series of articles focused on “The Aging Workforce”. It focused on two demographic trends. The Boomers born in the years after World War II who are now retiring in droves. And the trend for couples to have smaller families. That today means fewer young people are starting careers.
In Philadelphia, as an example, the population ages 20-24 is 45,700 smaller than the 25-29 group. In Chicago, the 20-24 age group is 85,000 smaller. In Boston, the group is 20,000 smaller. It’s a common problem in major cities. See Table 1. That makes the local recruiting markets for new grads highly competitive for all employers. Younger age groups follow the same lower count. Where that demographic pattern exists, recruiting will be a problem going forward.
That shows up in key jobs important in government. In the country’s workforce, the 20-24 cohort is 8.7 percent of the total. But they account for only 5.2 percent of police and 6.5 percent of firefighters. Less than 5 percent of the country’s teachers and librarians are under 25. That’s also true for social workers. Surprisingly, the numbers are low for several tech specialties (e.g., systems analysts, 5.0 percent).
Worker shortages in public agencies emerged after the 2010 Great Recession. In late 2013, there were 379,000 job vacancies. At the end of 2019, the total was 684,000. In the most recent BLS report for November 2023 the total for federal, state and local employers was 973,000. Those vacancies are spread across very different government operations – police, prisons, public health, education, public transit, emergency services, airport, etc. In the private sector, vacancies have been declining
Surveys confirm Gen Z’s disinterest in working in government. That was reported in a Route Fifty column, “Why Young Workers Don’t Want Government Jobs” but the problem goes back years. The result: fewer applicants, worker shortages and mounting job vacancies. The problem was described by the Washington Post’s Catherine Rampell: “A slow-moving crisis is paralyzing states and cities”, which is “leaving governments unable to fulfill their most basic functions.”
High vacancy counts hurt everyone – the public, elected officials, and co-workers who have to work extra hours. The problem contributes to emotional and physical exhaustion, and when prolonged, it triggers burnout, absenteeism and eventually ‘quits’. All of that adds to the costs of operation. Over time poor agency performance can undermine public support.
The New World of Work
The numbers highlight the breadth and severity of the problem but securing agreement on a solution promises to be difficult. In the past, when job openings were small in number, they were posted and HR offices simply waited for applicants. There were more job seekers than job openings.
Now, with more open jobs than job seekers, agencies have to compete for talent with employers in other sectors. The problem is private employers have far more discretion to offer attractive salaries, signing bonuses, more flexible working arrangements, etc. There have been job fairs where companies interview candidates and make job offers the same day. Unless job seekers have a strong interest in a government career, they are unlikely to wait for the weeks and months agencies sometimes take to make job offers.
Public employers, however, share a problem that was not evident until the pandemic changed everything. Agencies employ workers from a long list of job families. Each agency has a distinct labor market, varying from high demand IT specialties to jobs that are close to disappearing like receptionists. Several are unique to government; with others government competes with not-for-profits, and then there are those where companies offer the best graduates $100,000 or more. That means each department has somewhat different staffing problems. It makes staffing more complex than in the private sector.
Becoming competitive – and filling vacancies — will necessitate changing traditional civil service systems. Those systems were adopted in a very different era. Today’s young job seekers are not interested in the foundation of those systems, the “jobs for life” commitment that promised ‘‘long-term job security, consistent pay raises, and a pension at retirement”. The systems also mandated consistent administration across all job families; civil service commissions enforced that mandate. However, the worker shortages are now forcing agencies to be more proactive in generating interest in what’s needed to attract applicants.
The COVID crisis and the experience working remotely prompted millions to reconsider their work lives. Now workers frequently look for better jobs. Websites like LinkedIn make job searches easy. Job switching for higher pay skyrocketed. To attract and retain workers, private employers are offering hybrid and remote work arrangements. The gig economy has mushroomed; millions work part time. Workers are looking for greater fulfillment and personal growth opportunities.
Workforce management practices have possibly changed more in the past two or three years than in the prior three decades. Change is still unfolding. Websites regularly report an “expert’s” best practice ideas. One change that stands out in their recommendations is the shift from formal policies to approaches to “engage” workers. There is also far less emphasis on top-down control; workers have more autonomy.
This is a “new world of work,” a phrase used by the Harvard Business Review, the New York Times, and Forbes – and elected leaders should understand why it’s important.
The Cost of Government Pensions is a Key
It will be a ‘hard pill to swallow’ but the high costs of defined benefit pensions – that is plans promising annual benefits linked to pay at retirement – make change difficult. They require budget dollars that could be diverted to competing for talent. The funding required for government pensions is the single biggest difference in public-private pay comparisons.
BLS data from 2022 shows, “Only 15 percent of private industry workers had access to a defined benefit plan, compared with 86 percent of state and local government workers.” (‘Access’ does not signify that employees elect to participate in a plan.) Starting in the 1980s, the new law, ERISA, made companies accountable for funding accrued pension benefits and that prompted them to start replacing those plans with defined contribution or savings plans. The costs are significantly lower.
Companies decided to terminate or freeze defined benefit plans because the costs were high. Moreover, future costs depend on an employee’s compensation at or close to retirement as well as uncertain future investment returns. That keeps actuaries in business. It’s very different with defined contribution plans where the costs depend on employee decisions to save for retirement.
There are several varieties of retirement plans, each has specific parameters (e.g., age of early retirement, formula for matching employee contributions), but it’s the annual cost that is significant here.
BLS data show state and local retirement plans accounts for 13.2 percent of an employee’s ‘total compensation’. The full package of benefits totals 38.1 percent. Employers in the private sector average only 3.4 percent on retirement plans. In some industries it’s 2 percent or less. The highest of any industry group is construction where employers spend 7.0 percent.
When the percentages are translated into payroll dollars, the total compensation of a government worker paid a $60,000 salary would be $96,930. Retirement plans account for $12,794. In the private sector, a rough estimate of the retirement costs for the same hypothetical worker would be $3,300.
Another difference that adds to the costs is the age when employees ‘retire’ and start benefit payments. At age 65 the average person can expect to live another 20 years. To illustrate the impact on costs, when benefits begin earlier at age 60, the benefits have to be paid for 25 years. When a worker retires at 55, the benefits are paid for 30 years. That’s a 50 percent increase in funding. (Actuarial calculations are not that simplistic.) With savings plans, early retirement reduces an employer’s costs.
A related issue, largely unique to government, is mandatory retirement. The argument for compulsory retirement is the jobs are too dangerous (military) or they require high levels of physical and mental skill (air traffic controllers, airline pilots). With improved health and longevity, that makes less and less sense. It’s the same as early retirement and adds to pension costs.
Encouraging (or allowing) workers to work an added year or two would reduce the years a retiree receives benefits, and cut costs. Over time ‘normal’ retirement ages have been raised but are still below the ages in private sector plans – and in Social Security. On paper, it’s a simple change to cut costs.
The federal government reconsidered its retirement program in the 1980s when the Federal Employees Retirement System was introduced. It combines benefits from three sources: a Basic Benefit Plan, Social Security and the Thrift Savings Plan. The Basic Plan provides very modest benefits, but the combination provides better benefits than the typical private employer. It’s a model for other public employers.
The point is that retirement plan costs can be reduced without affecting the benefits of older workers or their plans. Ideally leaders should arrange for meetings where the issues can be discussed in the context of the purpose – shifting dollars to make jobs more attractive to younger workers. Actuaries can provide estimates of the potential savings spread over the workforce.
This is clearly not an argument for eliminating defined benefit pensions. Older workers have based their life plans on the expected benefits. But modifying plan provisions or, as the feds did, replace an outdated plan can generate savings to improve recruiting. A simple answer, from the private sector, is ‘freezing’ benefits and/or participation for workers below a stated age (e.g. 40 or 45) and replacing it with a savings plan. There are multiple options.
This should also not be read as a criticism of pension plans. However, public employers have obvious budget limitations. They also have a commitment to provide promised public services. When job vacancies delay or prevent the delivery of essential public services, it can and has affected residents. (The population data suggest the number of young workers looking to start careers will continue to decline.)
The policy questions include: Are the costs of defined benefit pensions the best use of limited budget dollars? Are the ‘costs’ linked to mounting job vacancies (e.g., overtime, burnout, and poor performance) acceptable? Is the loss of knowledgeable, experienced older workers acceptable? Public employers would benefit from initiatives to improve recruiting as well as encourage older workers to defer retirement.
There are several varieties of retirement plans, each has specific parameters (e.g., age of early retirement, formula for matching employee contributions), but it’s the annual cost that is significant here.
Reaching Agreement on Needed Changes
Civil service systems were introduced a century ago, before labor laws, unions, and Personnel offices. Many of today’s industries did not exist. The idea of knowledge jobs was decades away. The federal civil service laws have been amended several times but the core principles have seen little change since the 1920s. That is largely true for most state civil service systems. The traditional and continuing focus is internal administration; the ‘job for life’ policy ignores what’s unfolding in labor markets.
But experience going back a decade confirms those systems do not have the flexibility needed to deal with today’s workforce problems. Vacancy problems started before the COVID crisis. Retirements add to vacancy problems and will continue to be heavy. Surveys show large numbers of employees – as high as 50 percent — are thinking about quitting. Competition with private employers is an issue but, in many jurisdictions, the highest vacancies are in departments that are unique to government – where there are no ‘competitors’. It’s clear small percentage increases in pay will not solve the problem.
A number of websites report what “GenZ wants from employers” but there is also a flipside to the issue, as reported in, “Why Young Workers Don’t Want Government Jobs”. The column, based on a survey of young adults 18 to 36, shows they are “skeptical of the government’s desire to employ them or its ability to have a meaningful impact. . .” Respondents reported feeling excluded and unwanted by public employers. Only 24 percent felt agencies wanted to employ them. On a related question, less than 20 percent expressed an interest in working in the public sector.
Assuming their views are shared by other GenZers, the survey responses need to be considered in the context of (1) local demographic data, (2) projected retirements, and (3) performance problems created by vacancies. If nothing changes, local jurisdictions should anticipate the vacancy problem will get worse.
A key will be gaining employee buy-in for needed change. An approach recommended by experts is to invite workers to take part in Employee Resource Group (ERGs). It’s been a practice used frequently in higher education. A key is top management’s commitment to adopt a group’s recommendations.
Recent hires would be important here. They learn quickly what would make their jobs more satisfying. Further, they also have an invaluable understanding of why their peers in local communities are not interested in government careers. They should play a continuing role in the planning and continue as changes are implemented. Their ‘ownership’ of the changes is important.
The ‘what GenZ workers want’ message confirms they are less interested in in the traditional benefits –pensions or insurance. However, surveys highlight differences in what they want. The newer non-financial benefits – remote or hybrid work, free snacks, flex schedules, more on-the-job training, childcare, more autonomy — are high on several lists. But one prominent international survey reports, “Nothing outweighs pay. . . . For the majority (54%) of GenZers, pay is the most important factor when applying.” For college grads, it’s the student loans and living costs. Almost half are living with family members.
If pay is confirmed as a priority, that could necessitate a pay study. An ERG team can work with HR to plan and manage the study. Colleges commonly rely on employee groups to plan new pay systems. The problem is that government’s rigid pay systems are out of sync with the dynamics of today’s labor markets. The federal government dealt with the problem by agreeing to pay thousands of employees ‘special rates’. Other public employers (e.g., Tennessee) have successfully transitioned to pay for performance.
Significantly, police and teachers have had separate pay systems for decades. More recently, jurisdictions started adding separate pay systems for tech specialists. That may be the best answer for other occupations where applicants have specialized training or experience (e.g., library workers, lawyers).
Research has also identified other changes that could improve retention and engagement, including defining career ladders, showing respect for workers, recognizing accomplishments, and better manager training. Those are core issues to discuss with ERG group members.
For this initiative to be successful, leaders will need to commit to adopting reasonable ideas that surface in those discussions. Given the history, a high level commitment to change is essential. Where the changes impact union members, the leaders need to understand and agree on the change strategy. When the changes improve the work experience, everyone wins. That should improve recruiting and retention.
Agency performance depends as much or more than any business on face-to-face interactions with the public. Technology is helping workers operate more efficiently but with many occupations its unlikely to replace front line workers. And perhaps most important, payroll along with the costs related to managing workers (e.g., training) are the single largest budget line in virtually every government agency.
All of this is relevant to developing a staffing strategy that promises to meet agency needs into the future.
Population Data from Major Cities |
||||||
Age Group |
||||||
City |
20-24 |
25-29 |
Gap |
|||
(000) |
(000) |
(000) |
||||
Atlanta |
47.6 |
58.1 |
10.5 |
|||
Baltimore |
39.1 |
56.3 |
17.2 |
|||
Boston |
68.5 |
88.4 |
19.9 |
|||
Buffalo |
22.3 |
26.6 |
4.3 |
|||
Charlotte |
59.5 |
80.9 |
21.4 |
|||
Chicago |
197.5 |
282.2 |
84.7 |
|||
Cleveland |
26.6 |
33.8 |
7.2 |
|||
Dallas |
95.4 |
127.8 |
32.4 |
|||
Houston |
165.0 |
211.1 |
46.1 |
|||
Los Angeles |
279.1 |
353.5 |
74.4 |
|||
Minneapolis |
41.4 |
48.7 |
7.3 |
|||
New Orleans |
21.5 |
22.9 |
1.4 |
|||
New York |
536.8 |
763.1 |
226.3 |
|||
Philadelphia |
109.1 |
154.8 |
45.7 |
|||
Phoenix |
112.3 |
129.8 |
17.5 |
|||
Portland |
36.3 |
61.5 |
25.2 |
|||
San Francisco |
44.7 |
94.1 |
49.4 |
|||
Seattle |
56.2 |
94.2 |
38.0 |
|||
Washington |
49.3 |
77.4 |
28.1 |
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